Artistic Behavior in the Human Female Essay Example for Free

Artistic Behavior in the Human Female Essay The passage above comes from the article, â€Å"Artistic Behavior in the Human Female,† by Jean Robertson (2003, p. 24). Robertson (2003) argued that female artists define and interpret female sexuality in diverse and conflicting ways, and by using different artistic strategies. Robertson makes assumptions about the woman’s body as a contested terrain, wherein being a woman continues to be a subject of heated debate. For him, how female artists view themselves as women, and as artists, shape their depiction of â€Å"femininity† and â€Å"female sexuality† in their artworks. One of the quotes that Robertson mentioned in his text comes from Simon de Beauvoir. In her seminal book, â€Å"The Second Sex,† she stressed that: â€Å"One is not born a woman, but, rather, becomes one. † I want to reflect on de Beauvoir’s statement and Robertson’s belief about the woman’s body. I agree with de Beauvoir that social experiences and political conditions impact the construction of â€Å"being a woman. † Society shapes how women and men see femininity and gender roles through establishing gender roles and expectations. An example is when a girl is â€Å"conditioned† by her mother to be a â€Å"woman,† by telling her how she should act as a â€Å"woman. This includes educating her about the toys she can and cannot use, and the games she can and cannot play. The girl learns that she should act and think a certain way, in order to be â€Å"feminine. † She learns that she cannot be boisterous or get involved in sports, because that would be too â€Å"manly† for her. This girl is the perfect example of â€Å"becoming† a woman. On the other hand, I also agree that being a woman is a biological and individual construct. A woman is a product of her biology, whether she likes it or not. This is why women are also defined by their sexual organs. Their biology also determines their sex, as well as their gender. Furthermore, being a woman is a product of individual desires and needs. Any woman can define her womanhood the way she also wants it to. Robertson indicated the existence of the pluralities of femininity. It is true that a woman’s body is a contested terrain, and for me, what is wrong with that? Is it not also possible to have multiple femininities, instead of having only one approach to define and to interpret what it means to be a woman? There is nothing wrong, in my opinion, of having different ways of being a woman, because to deny one approach to womanhood undermines the very essence of being a free woman. Journal entry 2 In â€Å"A conversation about race and class,† Childers and Hooks (1990) argued that gender should be expanded to include issues of race and class. They said that: â€Å"†¦we should begin by talking about how we experienced the struggle to challenge and expand the category of gender† (pp. 61-62). For them, people cannot understand gender in its whole sense, if racial and class issues are overlooked in gender analysis. This reading challenged my view of gender, by asking me to see gender through a much broader lens. I have not considered that gender issues also intersect racial and class issues. On the other hand, Childers and Hooks (1990) compelled me to think about the politics of gender. This is related to our discussions about gender as a political object. The politics of gender demonstrate that there are hierarchies to the feminine gender that are experienced by many women. Power is also affected by one’s class and race. If white female women feel that there is a glass ceiling at the workplace, lower-class black and Hispanic women face a greater and heavier glass ceiling in society. Because of their class and race, they feel and experience multiple glass ceilings- the ceiling of racial discrimination, the ceiling of class discrimination, and the ceiling of gender discrimination. These ceilings, on top of one another, represent something more than just a hindrance to economic development, but resemble ceilings that are directly pressed on these women’s bodies. They could hardly breathe, because there are just too many ceilings that make it difficult for them to even survive. Now, I look gender as an amalgam of issues that women bring to gender discourse. As a result, race and issue not only expand gender discourse, but considering them has also broadened my understanding of gender and its diverse conflicts. Journal entry 3 When feminists speak about feminism, they mostly see the opposition between the feminine and the masculine- the yin and the yang. We also discussed the binary opposition in class, which heightened my knowledge of how women are reduced to the lower spectrum of the opposition. The binary opposition also exists in differentiating mothers from fathers. Mothers are put in pedestals, while fathers are forgotten and scorned. Laqueur (1990) complained about this binary opposition in â€Å"The Facts of Fatherhood. † This is an interesting article that argued about the repression of the history of fatherhood. Laqueur (1990) posited that while women enjoyed being the â€Å"natural† parent, fathers were regarded as mere providers, or even as a backdrop to the family. He stressed that it is time for fathers to reclaim their right to be part of the parenting history, wherein their contributions to the formation of society are recognized and respected. This polemical article amuses and interests me significantly. It amuses me because at the back of my mind, I felt gender discrimination in reverse. I believe that mothers have specials bonds with their children, but this belief, however, is marked by sexism. Do not fathers also share special bonds with their children? Laqueur (1990) challenged the notion of motherhood, because it undermined the importance of fatherhood. In my mind, it is better to not differentiate mothers from fathers, which is the same as stopping ourselves from differentiating women and men. Women and men have their own strengths and weaknesses and none is more superior. In the same line of thought, mothers and fathers are also equal. Let us just call motherhood and fatherhood as parenthood and give fathers their rightful place in the history and the practice of nurturing human society. Furthermore, this is also an interesting article, because it challenged me to talk about being a woman in relation to being a man. Being a woman has its multiplicities, and now, being a man has its pluralism too. For me, these multiplicities, acknowledged as part of gender analysis, render two steps forward for true gender equality. Journal entry 4 In â€Å"Criticizing Feminist Criticism,† Gallop, Hirsch, and Miller (1990) debated on the purposes and development of feminine criticism. Their main point is that feminist criticism writers have gone to the extreme, by pulverizing each other’s feminist views. They believe that this process is futile in understanding and improving the development of gender discourse and feminism. They asserted that feminism can be criticized in a more comprehensive manner, wherein there is no right or wrong feminism. I chose this article because it threads on sensitive issues, wherein the personal versus the collective idea of feminism clashes. Feminists have different worldviews about gender roles, sexuality, and femininity, and they criticize each other in different ways. I have never thought that feminist criticism has become too unconstructive. This is not my idea of criticism at all. I think about my own criticism of feminist criticism and I cannot help but agree that criticism is not about â€Å"thrashing† feminist theories (p. 350). Criticism is also about adding something to existing theories, in ways that can benefit the understanding of what it means to be a woman and how different understandings contribute to a wide range of feminism discourse. I earnestly believe also that feminists cannot define feminism in one way or several ways alone. Feminism should be viewed as a huge mess of ideas and values, different and special to women and groups, who fight for and because of different issues. Yes, it is a mess alright, because being a woman is a dynamic process that is also a part of being an individual and being a member of one’s race, class, and so on. Being a woman cannot ever be a tidy place, wherein women think the same and act the same. I would rather have it as a mess- wherein women are free to think and re-think feminism, in relation to their personal experiences and values. References Childers, M. Hooks, B. (1990). A conversation about race and class. In M. Hirsch E. F. Keller (Eds. ), Conflicts in feminism (pp. 60-81). New York, NY: Routledge. Gallop, J. , Hirsch, M. , Miller, N. K. (1990). Criticizing feminist criticism. In M. Hirsch E. F. Keller (Eds. ), Conflicts in feminism (pp. 349-369). New York, NY: Routledge. Laqueur, T. W. (1990). The facts of fatherhood. In M. Hirsch E. F. Keller (Eds. ), Conflicts in feminism (pp. 205-221). New York, NY: Routledge. Robertson, J. (2003). Artistic behavior in the human female. In B. Stirratt C. Johnson (Eds. ), Feminine persuasion: art and essays on sexuality (pp. 23-38). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

Ideologies of the ANC and DA

Ideologies of the ANC and DA Ideologies of the ANC and DA that serves as intellectual foundation Introduction Ideologies can be defined as a system of ideas and ideals, especially one which forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy. Political Ideologies are the pillars and the foundation of any political party. It is important to have noble political ideologies in order to recruit members with the same beliefs in the party’s ideologies. In this essay, I will identify a few of the ideologies of the ANC and the DA by looking into their manifestos and also give a history of relationship ideologies has with election and a democratic country and also give my opinion on the best ideology as intellectual foundation that will make a change in the country. Ideologies In the book, Politics by Andrew Heywood, we see an Ideology can be defined as Heywood (2013:27) â€Å"A social-scientific viewpoint.† It is a â€Å"coherent set of ideas that provides a basis for organized political action.† When looking at this definition one could deduce various information on the political ideologies of the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance. It is a group a people that forms a political party having a goal to make a difference in the lives of all citizens within the political arena. They also follows certain procedures to govern a country. We need to take into consideration that political ideologies has many facets such as Liberalism, conservatism, socialism, fascism and feminism as a few. Liberalism is the ideology of the Heywood (2013:31) â€Å"’industrialized West’ and portrayed as a meta-ideology. It is capable of embracing a broad range of rival value and beliefs.† In my opinion it would be a broad range of diversity that we find political ideologies. It is giving everyone an equal chance .It is a sense of equality. For example, Education for all. Heywood (2013:34) Conservatism has its key ideas based on â€Å"tradition-accumulated wisdom from the past† Conservative people are people who are prone to change. They expect society to stay the same, not taking into consideration that people change and make mistakes. Conservative people struggle to accept that â€Å"nothing stays the same.† Conservatism is found a lot in political structure. It poses many challenges and being conservative as an individual in a group setting in politics can sometimes be difficult. Heywood (2013:38) Socialism is to† abolish a capitalist economy based on a market exchange.†[1] Its key ideas are: â€Å"Community, Fraternity, Social Equality, Need, social class, common ownership.† Socialism relates to a society or an organisation. Socialism within politics strive to economic and political equality within the country and that all citizens are equal which is difficult because we all our diverse and celebrate diversity within our country. We all have our different religions and cultures and we are a different. A socialist is someone who wants to cultivate equality and wants to include every â€Å"creed and colour†. Other ideologies include Heywood (2013:47) â€Å"fascism: ‘new man’ a hero motivated by duty and honour and self-sacrifice prepared to dedicate his/her life to the glory of their nation or race and to give unquestioning obedience to a supreme leader.† Fascists are needed for people to believe that there is a leader that can lead the party in the right direction. Heywood (2013:49)Feminism-â€Å"it is more concerned with the reform of the public sphere that is with enhancing the legal and political status of women and improving their educational and career prospects than reordering private or domestic life.†[2]The political sector is dominated by men. In today’s society we see many females who are leaders. The rise of women played an important role in the upliftment of women. They play a very significant role in the country. We need feminist to bring equality of genders. We have a Minister for Women and children. Political ideologies-an introduction Eccleshall (1984:79) The ideology of conservatism: â€Å"If a society is to prosper, it’s political. Social and economic arrangements must be such as to stimulate and satisfy those with most to contribute to the common good.† [3]Politicians are needed to keep balance between all the facets of a country (the citizens, the environment, infrastructure etc.) the so-called business-man, the farmer and the man on the street is at a centre of equality. Geoghegan (1984:115) The ideology of socialism â€Å"is that all forms of socialism comprise three basic components: a critique, an alternative and a theory of transition.†[4] Socialists have a social responsibility to the country. Everyone to have basic rights and access their basic rights. It is that the political party can see the need and then assess the need and find possible solutions. For example: Taking the man from the street and giving him shelter. Jay (1984:153) The ideology of Democracy â€Å"is in agreement with ideology that states democracy denotes a rather different kind of entity, Democracy simply mean rule byof the people. Within this we have aristocracy, monarchy and oligarchy. Democracies shared many political practices in common.† A democracy simply means everybody. A democracy is a government that is governed â€Å"for the people, by the people†. Democracy can be seen as freedom to a certain extent. Democracy is what our leaders fought for, so that we can have equality. Democracy is a form of Ideology where people choose a political party to look after their interest in all aspects of life. Jay (1984:185) The ideology of Nationalism. â€Å"Nationalism is described as a doctrine invented in Europe which holds that humanity is naturally divided into nations, that nations are known by certain characteristics which can be ascertained, and that the only legitimate type of government is national self-government. Nationalism is a political doctrine and not a state of mind.†[5] Nationalists are South African citizens who have strong and firm beliefs in their country. Nationalism is a set of values and beliefs pertaining to the country. Nationalists can also oppress people as they only think of what is nationally possible for its citizens. They are loyal and firm believers in the country. Political ideologies of the 20th century Kohn (1966:133) Racialism: â€Å"the word ‘race’ is primarily a biological term and denotes groups of men differentiated by anatomical characteristics.† Many barriers exist because of racism. Racism exists everywhere, locally and even globally. In my opinion, racism can be oppression through colour, gender and religion. People are seen as â€Å"different† just because they do not have the same skin colour or do not believe in the same religious ideologies. Racism in politics is still very rife since Apartheid and beyond. Racism is the cause of inequality between citizens within a specific country. The biggest example of racism in our country is between the leading party (ANC) and the opposition party (DA).The ANC being â€Å"black† dominated party and the DA being diverse but mostly white. The DA maintains a good BEE balance. BEE is a racist attack in order to â€Å"rectify† the inequalities of the past Apartheid era. Kohn(1966:146) Fascism: †is one of the two great authoritarian mass movements which started in the 20th century in conscious opposition to the middle-class capitalistic civilization of the 19th century. The origins of the fascist movement in Italy are to be found in both the wave of disillusionment and the exacerbated nationalism that swept Italy after 1918.† [6]Fascism is when one leader can not fight socio-economic issues on his/her own and where inequality still exists. Fascism is seen as a mass movement. Political Science in Africa Science vs. philosophy: The Need for a relevant political science. Barongo (1983:17) When we define political science â€Å"the different branches of inquiry may divide into two group the empirical and non-empirical .Empirical seek to explore, to describe to explain to predict occurrences in the world we live in. Non-empirical had disciplines of logic and pure mathematics whose propositions are proved without necessary reference to empirical findings.†[7] In my opinion, political science is a study. And like any study, thorough research has to be done to obtain more information about the specific topic/idea. Every continent/country has their own political ideologies and beliefs because each country is different. Africa being the poorest continent has a tremendous job in order to compete/compare with first world countries. Although our continent is â€Å"poor†, we are rich in resources, especially in research. SA Politics: An Introduction The function of political parties in a democracy De Jager (2015:150-151) We see political parties for â€Å"representing the interest† of their members. In SA â€Å"there is a broad diversity of ideologies, cultures and history and thus interest.† The role of the parties is to ensure that all the interest of their members are taken into consideration. If members put a political party into governance (by voting), the members of that political party expect the party to look after their interests with in the party. The political party must look after the cultural, religious and social beliefs of the members. For example: upliftment within communities and extra-mural activities in wards where the political is in power â€Å"Socialisation and mobilisation: Parties can ensure increased participation of the public by integrating voters into a system and teaching them how and why to play the political game. Doing this they also inadvertently stimulate a sense of political legitimacy for democracy.† Mobilisation is getting a community to be self-sufficient. When political parties creates projects for the community to be self-sufficient. For example: Starting vegetable gardens, informing them about their rights. â€Å"Formation and Recruitment of political leaders: recruit and training political leaders. Not just the ANC has to recruit leaders but the opposition parties.† This consist of encouraging the youth to get involved in politics. It starts at school (debates, trips to Parliament) to inform the youth and make them politically aware of possibilities of a career in politics. In order for them to be successful, they need to have a passion for doing the right thing politics for people. Formation is important to form a youth league to train the youth from an early age. â€Å"Winning Elections and governing: key role of political parties in a democracy is to put forward their philosophies goals and election manifestos to compete for votes. The ANC has won all of the national elections since 1994 because it is very skilled at electioneering and has the largest base of social support.† Canvassing in the area for elections is a form of competition. Politicians say the right things to prospective members even if it is not true just to win votes. If enough people vote, the political party might be successful and win the elections. Many people believe that the ANC brought freedom, but ironically many politicians within the party have been found guilty by the public protector. The ruling party will be in control and hold most seats in government which works to their advantage. â€Å"Maintaining government accountability and influencing decision-making: there are two types of accountability: 1-vertical: emanates through the electorate sine the electorate knows which party is responsible for controlling the government. 2-Horizrontal: channelled through opposition parties which are responsible for systems (e.g.: winning the right to govern).† Jacob Zuma is our president and the leader of the ANC. We need to hold the correct person accountable for his actions. We need to know who will be responsible for the actions of government. Government acts on behalf of the country. The opposition plays an important role to keep the leading party on their toes as competition. The leading party has a lot of influence of decisions with government. They influence decision making as a party. The Ruling Party ANC. De Jager (2015:154) â€Å"The liberation movement celebrated it centenary in 2012. It is a movement that is born out of Christian values of equality and mutual respect led by an African middle class of lawyers, teachers, church ministers and doctors. The early ANC’s call for inclusion in the South African body of politic was as citizens of a common, non-racial society, informed by Christian and liberal conceptions of justice and humanity. The ANC has also been influenced by the ideologies of communism and Africanism, the different approaches of those who were in exile; trade union movements; and those incarcerated during Apartheid. The influence of these different ideologies and traditions continues to have considerable significance for the organisation, leading it to be called a ‘broad church ‘It also helps to explain why the policies and practices emanating from the ANC cover the spectrum from moderate to radical and from liberal to socialist. The ANC still does not recognise itself as a political party; it insists on being a liberation movement. Currently the party is torn between the values of its founders and those who seek political power for personal interest.† Nelson Mandela played an extremely important role in the ANC and the country. He was the forefather of the â€Å"liberation movement.† The ANC strives to keep his legacy alive. Although there was many controversy within the party, they still have some form of success. Julius Malema leaving the ANC led to a decrease in the party, although he left, the ANC is still the most popular political party. They member’s believe that the ANC can not do anything wrong in the political spectrum. The official opposition The DA De Jager (2015:155) The DA is the â€Å"culmination of a long time of political parties splitting and coalescing but its origins go back to the breakaway by a number of liberals form the United Party in 1959 and the formation of the Progressive Party. Helen Suzman played a major role in the history of the DA. The DA supports a ‘programme of non-racial democracy, a limited state, constitutional supremacy and market economy.’ The party is labelled as the ‘white party’. The primary challenge for the party is its growth as non-white members could not become public representatives pre 1994. The key resource for the DA has been access to government and the use of coalitions†[8]. The DA can be seen as the biggest threat to the leading party. The official opposition party. It is a strong opposition. They are the biggest threat to the ANC. The coalition between the DA and the so called â€Å"coloured party† the Independent Democrats lead by Patricia de Lille was one of the biggest political developments we have ever seen post 1994. The history of the party still classifies them as a â€Å"white party†. The DA is quite diverse. The Western Cape is governed by the DA and they are doing quite well here. Although they provide competition for the ANC, they do a lot for the province. The Ideologies of the Democratic Alliance â€Å"What type of society does the DA want to build? 1) The core concept of Zille’s DA is one of an ‘open opportunity society for all,’ which it counter poses to the ANC’s ‘closed crony society for some’ where a clique rules to accumulate wealth. For the DA, a competitive job-creating economy, supported by an efficient education system, are the main drivers of this society. 2) The DA’s education policy subscribes to human capital theory, which considers the purpose of education to be the production of skills for the market, and the raising of productivity and hence economic growth. 3) The DA aims to provide what it refers to as a framework for choice of goods and services, such as schools. The party bases their conception of choice on trickle-down economics; so, as global competitiveness drives economic growth and society becomes richer, its members will be able to exercise the rights and choices for services.† [9] The Ideologies of the African National Congress. â€Å"For more than a century, has led our people in their aspiration for a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society as the strategic goal of the National democratic revolution. To ensure all South Africans have access to adequate human settlements and quality living conditions through programmes that provide one million housing opportunities for qualifying households over the next five years, and providing basic services and infrastructure in all existing informal settlements. Improve and expand education and training by making grade R compulsory, eradicating adult illiteracy, and further improving the quality of basic education up to senior grade. The FET college sector will be expanded, with greater support for the needs of students, and compulsory community service for all graduates will be introduced.†[10] Conclusion As we can see from the above information, political ideologies are very important when researching political parties it is also important that the ideologies are in line with the needs of the country (that of the leading party and the opposition party) I agree with the ideologies of the DA as intellectual foundation because their ideologies are more universal and more realistic. All over the world and in all of history, political ideologies were used and accepted by potential members and loyal support of the political party. Various political ideologies should be used as far as possible within the party. Bibliography/Referencing list Heywood, A. 2013. Politics. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Eccleshal, R., Geoghegan, V., Jay, R. Wilford, R. 1984. Political Ideologies:An introduction. Essex: Anchor Brendon Ltd. Kohn, H. 1966. Political Ideologies of the Twentieth Century. New York: The Macmillan Company. Baronga, Y. 1983. Political Science in Africa. London: Zed Press Plc. De Jager, N., Graham, V., Gumede, V., Mangcu, X., Neethling, T., Kotze, J., Welsh, D. 2015. South African Politics: An Itroduction. South Africa: Oxford University Press Southern Africa (Pty) Limited. http://africasacountry.com/the-politics-and-ideology-of-helen-zille/ (9 April 2015) http://www.anc.org.za/docs/manifesto/2014/anc-manifesto.pd (9 April 2015) [1] A. Heywood Politics (2013) 27,31,34,38. [2] A. Heywood Politics (2013) 47,49. [3] R. Eccleshall Political Ideologies:an introduction (1984) 79. [4] V. Geoghegan Political Ideologies:an introduction (1984) 115. [5] R. Jay Political Ideologies:an introduction (1984)159,185. [6] H. Kohn Political Ideologies of the Twentieth Century (1966) 133,146. [7] Y. Barongo Political Science in Africa (1983) 17. [8] N. De Jager South African Politics:An Introduction (2015) 150,151,154,155. [9] http://africasacountry.com/the-politics-and-ideology-of-helen-zille/ [10] http://www.anc.org.za/docs/manifesto/2014/anc-manifesto.pd

Developing and Overcoming Antisocial Personality Disorder Essay

Developing and Overcoming Antisocial Personality Disorder Personality disorders are among the most difficult disorders to be diagnosed and treated in psychology. The highly ingrained behaviors of the disorders, the difficulty in differentiating between normalcy and illness, and the patients lack of understanding and excepting their symptoms as abnormal, are all contributing obstacles of the disorder. Personality is shaped by experiences during childhood and adolescence as well as genetics. Therefore, children that develop mental disorders are more likely to develop personality disorders as adults. Conduct disorder in children has been highly linked to the development of antisocial personality disorder in adults. The DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual) suggests, but does not require, a history of conduct disorder when making an antisocial personality diagnosis (1). Not only is there a high correlation between people having the disorders, but conduct disorder seems to be a preliminary childhood manifestation of the same underlying malfunctions that are characteristic of the adult disorder, antisocial personality disorder. When looking at the development and causes of antisocial personality disorder it is important to note the symptoms, characteristics, and circumstance of conduct disorder as well. Conduct disorder, a childhood behavior disorder described by the DSM, is characterized by chronic misbehavior. The children and adolescence often participate in serious physical fighting, alcohol and drug abuse, violation of parental and school rules, vandalizing and setting fires, and many other antisocial behaviors. These children, unless adequately treated, have a 50% rate of becoming involved with drugs an... ...y disorder 5)"The Neurobiology of Stress and Emotions.", hormone contributors to antisocial personality http://www.aboutibs.org/Publications/stress.html 6)"CSF 5-HIAA and Family History of Antisocial Personality Disorder in Newborns", article concerning the connection between serotonin and antisocial disorders 7)"Family Functioning and Peer Affiliation in Children of Fathers With Antisocial Personality Disorder and Substance Dependence: Associations With Problem Behaviors.", environmental factors related to the development of antipersonality disorders http://ajp.psychiatryonline.org/cgi/content/abstract/159/4/607 8)" Aggression and Transference in Severe Personality Disorders.", characteristics of antisocial personality disorder http://www.mhsource.com/pt/p950216.jhtml?_requestid=524313 9)Serendip Website, I-function http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/

German Expressionism Essay -- Essays Papers

German Expressionism German Expressionism is a kind of art that is supposed to make you feel something. When you look at a painting such as â€Å"The Scream† by Edvard Munch (1863-1944), you ask yourself what kind of emotions does this painting give you. A group of early 20th century German artists used the term â€Å"expressionism† to desribe the way they produced art. The title later turned into â€Å"German Expressionism†. This art movement was prominent during 1905-1925. In German it is known as â€Å"Die Brucke† and â€Å"Der Blaue Reiter†. Unlike Impressionism, its goals were not to reproduce the impression by the surrounding world, but to express the artists feelings on the surrounding world. Expressionism comes from the route word â€Å"expression† which means to make known or reveal or show. The text b...

Innocent Victims :: essays research papers

Innocent Victims   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The news came one late afternoon. My girlfriend told me that Naomi had given birth. Instead of feeling joyous over the birth of my one time friend’s child, I felt both saddened and angry about this occasion. So I asked the inevitable question, â€Å"Is it OK?† The response to my question was just what I had hoped would not happen.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Naomi is a heroin addict. She had just given birth to a premature baby boy that was addicted to the same drug his mother was shooting up. This innocent little guy was born with what doctors say is a mild form of brain damage. For the first few weeks of his life, he had to be treated with methadone to combat his withdrawal symptoms. Despite the severe damage Naomi caused to her baby, she still walks the streets of Carlsbad looking for her fix. The last I had heard of the little boy was that he was taken by Child Protective Services and placed in foster care waiting for a home.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Mothers who prenatally expose their babies to hard illegal drugs cause serious damage to these children and should be criminally prosecuted. The physical, neurological, and behavioral effects on babies caused by drug use during pregnancy are disheartening. In spite of this blatant disregard for the child’s life, it is not considered a form of child abuse in most of our states. If a mother injected drugs into the tiny arm of her baby, causing permanent brain damage or death, surely the mother would be arrested and prosecuted. Yet that is exactly what addicted mothers do when they consume drugs throughout their pregnancy.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In California, when a woman gives birth to baby with illegal drugs in its system, not much happens to the mother. According to an official from San Diego County’s Child Protective Services, the baby is placed on hold and is put in foster care. The case is then referred to family court for review. A judge then looks at the extent of the mother’s drug use and decides if it is safe to return the child to its mother. Depending on the amount of drug abuse, a mother is referred to a drug treatment program. If the mother completes her assigned program, she is reunited with her child. If she does not complete the program, the baby is then left in foster care and goes up for adoption.

Masculinity in the Philippines Essay

In the imperial age, the military shaped society to suit its peculiar needs. Modem armies are complex, costly institutions that must ramify widely to mobilize the vast human and material resources their operations require. Since the armed forces demand the absolute obedience and, at times, the lives of ordinary males, the state often forms, or reforms, society’s culture and ideology to make military service a moral imperative. In the cultural encounter that was empire, colonial armies proved as surprisingly potent agents of social change, introducing a major Western institution, with imbedded values, in a forceful, almost irresistible, manner. As powerful, intrusive institutions, modem armies transformed cultures and shaped gender identities, fostering rhetoric and imagery whose influence has persisted long after colonial rule. Above all, these armies, colonial and national, propagated a culture, nay a cult of masculinity. Recent historical research has explored the ways that rising European states reconstructed gender roles to support military mobilization. To prepare males for military  service, European nations constructed a stereotype of men as courageous and women as affirming, worthy prizes of manly males. In its genius, the modem state-through its powerful propaganda tools of education, literature, and media-appropriated the near-universal folk ritual of male initiation to make military service synonymous with the passage to manhood. Not only did mass conscription produce soldiers, it also shaped gender roles in the whole of society. Modern warfare, as it developed in Europe, was the mother of a new masculinity propagated globally in an age of empire through colonial armies, boys’ schools, and youth movements. As a colony of Spain and America, the Philippines felt these global cultural currents and provides an apt terrain for exploration of this  militarized masculinity. Like the other colonial states of Asia and Africa, both powers controlled their Philippine colony with native troops led by European officers, an implicit denigration of the manliness of elite Filipino males. For the all-male electorate of the American era, Filipino nationahm thus came to mean not only independence but, of equal importance, liberation from colonial emasculation. Over time, a cultural dialectic of the colonial and national produced a synthesis with symbolism and social roles marked by an extreme gender dimorphism. When Filipino leaders finally began building a national army in the 1930s, they borrowed the European standard of military masculinity with all its inbuilt biases. By exempting women from conscription and barring them from officer’s training at the Philippine Military Academy, the Commonwealth exaggerated the society’s male/female polarities. Once set in 1936, these military regulations and their social influence would prove surprisingly persistent and pervasive. It would be nearly thirty years until the armed forces recruited their first women soldiers in 1963; and another thirty years after that before the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) admitted its first female cadets in 1993 (Hilsdon 1995, 48, 51, 89; Duque 1981, vii). If we accept what one historian has called â€Å"the emancipated status of Filipino women in the 19th century,† then the prewar nationalist movement, with its rhetoric of militarism and male empowerment, may have skewed the gender balance within the Philippine  polity. In a Malay society with a legacy of gender equality-bilateral kinship, matrilocal marriage, and gender-neutral pronouns-this aspect of nationalism seems socially retrogressive.’ Understandably, postwar historians have overlooked this glorification of masculinity and military valor in their sympathetic studies of prewar Filipino nationalism. Nonetheless, mass conscription shaped gender roles in the first half of the 20th century and fostered a rhetoric that pervaded Philippine politics in its second half. In deploying Europe’s cult of masculinity to support mass conscription, the Commonwealth introduced a new element into the country’s political culture. Indeed, this engendered social order-propagated through conscription, education, and mass media-fostered imagery that would shape Philippine politics at key transitional moments in the latter decades of the 20th century. For well over half the fifty plus years since independence, the Philippines has been ruled by presidents who won office with claims of martial valor and then governed in a military manner. COMMONWEALTH A N D MASCULINITY The Philippine acceptance of this Euro-American model of masculinity provides strong evidence of the paradigm’s power. The successful imposition of this Westernized masculinity, with its extreme gender dimorphism, upon a Malay society with a long history of more balanced roles, makes the Philippines a revealing instance of this global process. Within twenty years, the span of a single generation, mobilization and its propaganda, convinced a people without a tradition of military service to accept conscription and internalize a new standard 1 of manhood. When tested in battle during World War 1, the generation of Filipino officers formed in this mobilization proved willing to fight and die with exceptional courage. Models of Masculinity During the two decades of this extraordinary social experiment, prewar Philippine institutions used two complementary cultural devices to indoctrinate the young into a new gender identity: a mass propaganda of gender dimorphism and a militarized form of male initiation. Among the many schools that participated in this experiment, t w v t h e University of the  Philippines (UP) and, a decade later, the Philippine Military Academy (PMA)-would play a central role as cultural mediators in constructing this new national standard for manhood. To translate a foreign masculine form into a Filipino cultural idiom, the cadet corps at UP and the PMA appropriated local traditions of male initiation, using them as a powerfully effective indoctrination into modem military service. Scholars of the Philippine military have often noted how the ordeal of the first or â€Å"plebe† year serves to bind the PMA’s graduates into a class or â€Å"batch with an extraordinary solidarity. The half-dozen doctoral dissertations on the Philippine military argue, in the words of a Chicago psychologist who observed the PMA in the mid-1960~~ that cadets form â€Å"lifetime bonds. . . in the crucible of the hazing pro~ess.†~ What is the meaning of this ritual with its extreme violence? Hazing, seemingly a small issue, has embedded within it larger problems of masculinity central to armies everywhere. In fieldwork around the world, anthropologists have discovered the near universality of male i n i t i a t i ~ nAround the globe and across time, many societies view .~ manhood as something that must be earned and thus create rituals to  test and train their adolescent males. Observing these rituals in the remote Highlands of Papua-New Guinea, anthropologist Roger Keesing offers a single, succinct explanation for the prevalence of harsh male initiation: warfare (Keesing 1982,32-34; Herdt 1982,5741). Similarly, at the m a r p s of the modem Philippine state, young men have long been initiated into manhood through ritual testing of their martial valor. In the 20th century, Muslim groups in the south have formed all-male â€Å"minimal alliance groups† to engage in ritualized warfare, while the Ilongot highlanders of northern Luzon require boys to pass â€Å"severe tests of manhood† by taking â€Å"at least one head† in combat (Kiefer 1972; Rosaldo 1980, 13940). From an anthropological perspective, hazing becomes the central rite in a passage from boyhood to manhood, civilian to soldier. Filipino plebe and New Guinea adolescent pass through similar initiations to emerge as warriors hardened for battle and bound together for defense of the ir communities (Gennep 1960, vii, 11). Recent historical research has explored the ways that rising European states reconstructed gender roles to support mobilization of modern armies. By marrying anthropologists’ universals to the historian’s time-bounded specifics, we can see how European nation-states, by making military service an initiation ritual, primed their males for mass slaughter on the modem battlefield. After Britain’s dismal performance in the Crimean War of the 1850s, headmasters at its elite â€Å"public schools† began hardening boys for future command through sports. Indeed, Harrow’s head proclaimed that â€Å"the esprit de corps, which merit success in cricket or football, are the very qualities which win the day in . . . war.† A half-century later in South Africa, British troops faced difficulties subduing Boer farmers, raising questions about the military â€Å"fitness† of ordinary Englishmen. Responding to this perceived crisis, Lord Baden-Powell organized the Boy Scouts in 1908 â€Å"to pass as many boys through our character factory as we possibly can (Mangan 1987, 150-53; 1981,2241; 1986, 33-36; Rosenthal 1986, 1-6). In his study of the cult of war in nineteenth-century Europe, historian George Mosse asks: â€Å"Why did young men in great numbers rush to the colors, eager to face death and acquit themselves in battle?† Simply put, they volunteered because the modern nation-state, through its poets and propagandists, made the passage to manhood synonymous with military service. To become a man in Victoria’s England or Bismarck’s Germany, a young male had to serve. In the first months of World War I, this cult of war achieved a virtual florescence  as young idealists hurled themselves into the slaughter. After 145,000 German soldiers died at Langemarck in 1914, one poet wrote: â€Å"Here I stand, proud and all alone, ecstatic that I have become a man.† Recalling this battle in Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler said: â€Å"Seventeen year old boys now looked like men.† Similarly, during World War 11, U.S. Army researchers found that American soldiers fought hard to avoid â€Å"being branded a ‘woman,’ a dangerous threat to the contemporary male personality† (Mosse 1990, 15, 72; Stouffer, et al. 1949, 131-32). Not only did mass conscription produce soldiers, it also shaped gender roles in the wider society. To prepare every male for military service, European nations constructed a stereotype of men as  courageous, honorable, and physically formed on â€Å"borrowed Greek standards of male beauty.† By the 1920s, w omen were, through this century-long process, â€Å"transformed into static immutable symbols in order to command the attention of truly masculine men.’I4 Rhetoric of Colonial Masculinity Although the American colonial regime eventually played a central role in the formation of a Filipino officer corps, the US Army was initially hostile to the idea. During its first decade in the islands, the US Army was absorbed in a massive counterinsurgency campaign, and, like colonial armies elsewhere, denigrated the masculinity of its subject society. In little more than two years after their landing in 1898, the U.S. Army learned the same colonial lessons that the British and Dutch had distilled from two centuries of using â€Å"native troops† in India and Indonesia. Asian soldiers were, from an imperial point of view, welladapted to withstand the rigors of service in their own country. But only a European had the character required of an officer. As the editor of England’s Statesman wrote in 1885, educated Indians were â€Å"wanting in the courageous and manly behavior to which we justly attach so high an importance in the culture of our own youth.† Colonials often found dominant lowland groups both â€Å"effeminate† and insubordinate. But certain â€Å"martial racesn-such as the Gurkhas, Ambonese, or Karens-were thought capable of great courage under fire and fierce loyalty to their white officers5 In effect, there was an imperial consensus that certain native troops, when drilled and disciplined by European officers of good character, made ideal colonial forces. From the outset, the American commander in the islands, General Elwell S. Otis, felt, like most Americans of his day, that elite Filipinos were unfit for command. In an essay for a U.S. military journal in 1900, one American officer dismissed the typical officer in General Emilio Aguinaldo’s revolutionary army as â€Å"a half-breed, a small dealer, a hanger-on of the Spaniards.† Thus, when the US Army formed its colonial forces, the Philippine Scouts, the soldiers would all be Filipinos, but their officers  were to be white Americans selected from â€Å"the line of the Regular Army† (Woolard 1975, 13, 225; Franklin 1935). In sum, America’s high colonial rhetoric celebrated the special bond between American officers and their Filipino troops, and, by implication, denigrated elite Filipino character and capacity for command. Writing from retirement at the end of the US rule, one American veteran, Constabulary Captain Harold H. Elarth, offered a succinct version of this rhetoric. â€Å"By fair dealing, unusual sagacity and confirmed courage,† young American officers, â€Å"pacified and controlled tribes that for 300 years had continuously warred with the Spaniards.† This success, he explained, came from â€Å"the psychology of the Malay† which inspired Filipino soldiers to follow their American lieutenants with â€Å"adoration† (Hurley 1938, 298-99; Elarth 1949, 14-15). Nationalist Response In the early years of American rule, Filipino nationalists rejected this emasculating colonial rhetoric and made the training of native officers a central plank in their campaign for independence. By demanding officer training, the all-male nationalist movement challenged colonial assumptions that native men were, by racial character, unsuited for command. In the political rhetoric of the day, military drill would advance the nationalist cause by training officers for a future army and hardening the fiber of the country’s youth. To assert their manhood, nationalist leaders seized upon any pretext for military drill, even service under the colonial flag. Only a few years after the Philippine-American War, certain colonials and nationalists began to cooperate in building a Filipino officer corps. In 1907, the fledgling Constabulary School at Manila graduated its first Filipino officers from a short, three-month training course and then moved to permanent quarters in the mountain city of  Baguio for a more rigorous six-month curriculum. A year later, the U.S. Congress authorized the admission of Filipinos to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. In 1914, the h s t Filipino cadet, Vicente P. Lim, graduated with an academic rank of seventy-seven among 107 cadets-an event of such  significance that the Philippine Resident Commissioner, Manuel Quezon, made a special trip from Washington, DC.6 When America entered World War I, the Philippine Legislature voted overwhelmingly to raise a Philippine National Guard division and Senate President Quezon crossed the Pacific to lobby personally for Washington’s authorization. Even the War Department’s determined effort to block its mobilization until 11 November 1918, the very last day of war, could not dampen the Filipino enthusiasm for military service. Over 28,000 men volunteered. With bands playing and banners flying, the Philippine National Guard drilled for three months until it was disbanded in February 1919 (Woolard 1975, 170-84, 196). During the 1920s, the American colonial regime, in fundamental change of policy, began training Filipinos for command. After taking office as governor-general in 1921, General Leonard Wood, a career officer, mobilized the resources of the US Army to open officer training programs (Hayden 1955, 734-35). To train a first generation of Filipino officers, the US Army loaned instructors, rifles, and bayonets to the newly-formed military science departments at Manila’s colleges and universities. Along with the weapons, these programs also borrowed an American model of the military male. Though the program spread to many schools, the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) at the University of the Philippines (UP) remained, for over a decade, the largest and most influential. UP Cadet Corps Drill began at UP in 1922 when its Regents funded a Department of Military Science and Tactics, retained an active-duty U.S. Army captain as its chairman, and authorized an armory. Five years later, UP President Rafael Palma, a prominent nationalist, praised the Department for establishing â€Å"the nucleus of a future national military organization† (Panis 1925, 14-15; Palma 1924; Peiia 1953, 1-2). As Palma predicted, the ROTC program grew rapidly, adding field artillery in 1929 and machine guns six years later. After passage of the National Defense Act in 1935, the university acquired another 2,000 Springfield rifles and doubled its cadet corps to 3,304 trainee officers by 1938. Beyond drill and marksmanship, the program indoctrinated its cadets into nationalism. â€Å"We need to make . . . our youth . . . so proud of their race and their democracy that they will die fighting for it,† President Quezon told the UP cadets in 1937. â€Å"We have all been trained,† wrote the Corps’ cadet colonel a year later, â€Å"with patriotism ever so carefully engraved in our hearts by our military instructors, we are proud to say, as they would have us say, w e are ready.07 Other Manila universities followed these leads. While the publiclyfunded UP had the largest cadet program, the elite, Jesuit-run Ateneo de Manila was proud home to the country’s top drill corps. The 1923 Manila Carnival featured a drill competition by cadets from San Beda, the National University, and, of course, Ateneo and the UP. Along with basketball and baseball, close-order drill contests would remain a high point of inter-collegiate competition until the war. These parades, featuring what one UP cadet called â€Å"thousands of virile young blood[s]†¦rifles on their shoulders, gallantly marching to the time of their music,† drew large crowds and sparked school ~ p i r i t . ~ By the early 1930s, a decade of reserve-officer training had encouraged an ideal of military masculinity among cadets at Manila’s universities. At the UP, trainee officers articulated an ideology that equated masculine strength with national defense. â€Å"A nation stands or falls, succeeds or fails, just in proportion to the . . . manliness of each succeeding generation,† wrote a cadet in the 1931 yearbook (Viardo 1931, 381). Cadet sergeant Fred Ruiz Castro, a future Supreme Court chief justice, explained that military training helps â€Å"engender the proper citizenshipu-notably â€Å"courtesy to all especially to the old and to the weaker sex.† In the 1935 UP yearbook, Castro and his comrade Macario Peralta, Jr., a future defense secretary, co-authored an essay arguing that drill molded the masculine virtues necessary to build the nation: â€Å"From the Corps, graduate men steeped in patriotism . . . men who know their duties both to country and to God . . . men who are sound thinkers, strong hearted †¦These are the men the country needs to cope with new problems† (Castro and Peralta, Jr. 1935, 345). Reinforcing this gender dimorphism, UP’S all-male cadet companies barred women from drill but recruited them as â€Å"sponsors† to appear in formal, frilly gowns at full-dress parades. Illustrative of this imbalance, in the  late 1920s one of these sponsors gave the Corps a â€Å"colorful oration† titled â€Å"The Woman Behind the Man Behind the Gun† (Castro 1932; 355; Quirino 1930, 427). By 1936, the UP cadets had expanded their Corps of Sponsors to  forty coeds such as Miss Eva Estr ada, the muse of the Second Artillery Battalion and a future senator. On National Heroes Day, the UP cadets staged a mock battle in the city’s main park, the Luneta. â€Å"Planes sweep down from the clouds to drop their deadly bombs,† wrote the college yearbook, â€Å"men shoot, advance, fall . . . beneath the smoke the unseen drama of war with its horrors and victories.† As male cadets littered Luneta’s smoking battlefield, â€Å"the Nurses’ Corps recruited from the ranks of the Sponsors rush to the field to give aid to the wounded and the dying.† Among these all-male cadets, appeal to women, the defining opposite within this dimorphism, was deemed an essential attribute of future military leadership. â€Å"The girls go for him in a big way (very big way),† said the 1937 UP yearbook of cadet Major Ferdinand Marcos, â€Å"so much so that most of the time he has to put up the sign ‘Standing Room Only.’ Claims his heart is impregnable to feminine allure, and insists on calling guys who fall in love inebriated weaklings.† Marcos himself internalized this gendered duality to write, after the war, of sacrificing his manhood to defend a feminized nation he calls Filipinas. â€Å"We cursed ourselves . . . for having given up our arms and with them our manhood. . .,† Marcos wrote of their wartime surrender to Japan on Bataan. â€Å"Filipinas had welcomed us in spite of the disgrace of our defeat in Bataan. But it seemed that although she had smiled at us through her tears, she would not bind up our wound^.†^ Harsh male initiation also became part of officer training at UP. Cadet Sergeant Macario Peralta, Jr., the future defense secretary, noted in the 1932 yearbook that the Corps had faced difficulties in â€Å"breaking in the new cadets,† but made sure that troublesome plebes â€Å"receive sundry other polite attentions† (Peralta 1932, 358). Peralta’s yearbook biography, published two years later when he was cadet colonel, revealed the meaning of this euphemism. â€Å"O ne year after the Colonel sprouted in the University campus, he commenced hazing the plebes and beasts with unrelenting inhumanity. He is  still at it† (Philippinensian1934, 396). Commonwealth Army In 1935, national defense suddenly became the most critical issue facing the Fhpino people. In Washgton, President Franklin Roosevelt approved the creation of the Philippine Commonwealth as an autonomous, transitional government with a ten-year timetable to full inde-  pendence. Under the National Defense Act, President Quezon made mobilization his top priority and committed a quarter of the budget to building a national army that would, by independence in 1945, have 10,000 regular soldiers backed by reserves of 400,000. In April 1936, some 150,000 Filipino men registered for the country’s first draft and, nine months later, 40,000 reported for training. Within three years, over a million schoolboys were marching.I0 From its foundation in 1935, the Commonwealth, through military mobilization, intensified this process of gender reconstruction-encouraging a reinforcing array of national symbols, militarized masculinity, and domestic roles. With only a decade to prepare for independence and the burden of defense, the Commonwealth tried to fashion a masculinity that would sustain mass conscription. As it mobilized in the 1930s, the Philippines imported a Euro-American form of manhood along with the howitzer and the pursuit plane. To build popular support for a citizens’ army, the neophyte Philippine state deployed a gendered propaganda with men strong, women weak; men the defenders, women the defended. Just as the new nation was personified as the feminine â€Å"Filipinas† in currency and propaganda, so young men were conscripted to defend her and her defenseless womankind. The government, in this transition to independence, slullfully manipulated public rituals and symbols to make a polarized gender dimorphism central to a new national self-image. We do not have to read against the grain to tease gender out of the Philippine Army, as if from some recondite cultural text. The key actors+ezon, Army Headquarters, and the cadets themselves-were quite self-conscious in their use of such imagery. The impact of militarization upon gender roles was most evident at the Manila Carnival-a grand, pre-war festival celebrating the fecundity of the land and the glories of its people. Like other pre-Lenten festivals across the Hispanic world, Carnival was a mix of the serious and frivolous, of celebration and reflection. Located at the heart of Manila, the sprawling Carnival enclosure held elaborate displays of provincial products such as rope or coconut. The two-week whirl of spectacle, society, and sport culminated in the crowning of the queen and her court at an elaborate formal ball. With the Philippines on parade, elite actors gained a stage to project images of nation and society before a mass audience. Before conscription, the queen’s coronation had been a lavish, highsociety affair-with eligible bachelors as escorts, whimsical Roman or  Egyptian themes, and matching costumes for court and consorts. Since the city’s elites selected the carnival queen by jury or press ballots, winners were women of wealth, prestige, and intellect. At the 1922 Carnival, for example, Queen Virginia Llamas was escorted by her future husband Carlos P. Rom ulo, later president of the UN General Assembly. The queen’s consort at the 1923 Carnival was Eugenio Lopez, later the county’s most powerful entrepreneur, just as 1931 queen was Maria Kalaw, the future Philippine senator and UN delegate (Nuyda 1980, 1920, 1922,1931). With the launching of the Commonwealth’s army only months away, the 1935 Carnival saw revelry and whimsy giving way to military symbolism and a serious debate about gender roles. To accornmodate its greatly expanded display, the US Army occupied â€Å"an entire section of the Manila Carnival Grounds† for 400 linear feet of military exhibits and a replica of a World War I trench warfare complex (Tribune, 3,9 February 1935). The cadets of Manila’s universities were honored with a large military parade, treated to guided tours of the military exhibit, and featured as the queen’s escorts. In this martial spirit, gender was on the march. At her coronation ceremony, the Constabulary band played a march while Queen Conchita I-walked between â€Å"two files of University of the Philippines cadets with drawn sabers† to a throne where the US Governor General placed a crown of diamonds on her head and the â€Å"admiring throng applauds† (Tribune, 16, 21, 22 February 1935). On their night in this Carnival Auditorium, Far Eastern University students staged a  spectacular revue called â€Å"Daughters of Bathala,† with males forming an outer, protective circle while women in gowns whirled about in a â€Å"grand finale . . . symbolizing the types of modern Filipino women from the suffragettes and debutantes to the thrill-girls of the cabarets and the boulevards† (Tribune, 3 March 1945). Instead of the usual frivolous rhetoric about feminine beauty, the 1935 Carnival launched a national debate on women’s rights. Speaking before the convention of the Federation of Women’s Clubs, Senate President Quezon announced that the Constitutional Convention had just approved compulsory military service. He urged the nation’s women to assume â€Å"the duty to mould the character of . . . youth that we may build up here a citizenry of virile manhood capable of shouldering the burdens of our future independent existence.† And how was such a radical social reconstruction to be accomplished? Men would be called away for â€Å"training in patriotism,† but women,  Quezon said, should stay home to â€Å"bring up upstanding, courageous and patriotic youngsters.† Instead of being lulled by the â€Å"sentimental glow† of his oratory, the Federation’s president, Mrs. Pilar H. Lim, the wife of General Vicente Lim (USMA ’14), co nfronted Quezon, demanding that he redress â€Å"the injustice done . . . through the failure of the constitutional convention to insert a provision . . . granting the women . . . the right to vote.† Quezon assured Mrs. Lim that he has â€Å"always been in favor of granting this right to women.† Indeed, two years later, under his presidency and through Mrs. Lim’s leadership, a plebiscite on women’s suffrage passed by an overwhelming margin.† Over the next three years as mobilization intensified, each carnival accentuated the military symbolism and its supporting gender dimorphism. When President Quezon opened the towering gateway to the 1936 Carnival city, a full battalion of Philippine Army troops formed an honor guard while he â€Å"severed† the ribbons with a specially-made native sword. In its Carnival coverage, the Sunday Tribune Magazine juxtaposed photo-essays of the military review (â€Å"the steel helmets of the U.P. cadets glaring in the afternoon sun†) and the 1936 Fashion Revue (â€Å"models resplendent in shining silver and satin.†) For their night at the Carnival, the UP students  presented a richly engendered historical pageant, written by Dr. Carlos P. Romulo, featuring a cast of one thousand students (â€Å"including seven hundred girls†) and starring a woman student as â€Å"Filipinas,† the feminized symbol of the nation (Tribune, 15 February, 1 March 1936). Theme: After the establishment of the Republic, the nation will meet with difficulties and dangers, but it will overcome them all and thereby become stronger . . . Book of Time Revealed. Spirit of History ascends the stage from stage right and writes â€Å"Commonwealth.† 111. Trumpets. Filipinas enters from stage left followed by people, including agencies, soldiers, dancers . . . IV. Spirit of Prophecy ascends from stage left . . . and . . . writes â€Å"Republic.† V. People cheer, bells ring, salute of guns . . . VIII. Invasion-all to arms. Battle. XI. Mourning dance. Filipina rises from the center of the floor, flag over her. National hymn is sung by all. I. 11. Despite such military inroads, the coronation of Queen Mercedes I featured the usual â€Å"fantasy numbers† such as â€Å"Parisian Lace† and the â€Å"exotic South Sea Wastes.† Her escorts were still society bachelors in white-tie and tails. A year later, the military symbolism was triumphant. At the 1937 Carnival, the queen’s escorts were now uniformed ROTC cadets. The queen now became â€Å"Miss Philippines† and her coronation, as its libretto indicates, was a martial drama of male soldiers rising to her defense as the engendered symbol of the nation. Scene I Triumphal entrance of the Army of Miss Philippines, sovereign of our cultural and economic progress, composed of officers and soldiers who will stage a military exhibition. Scene I1 Entrance of the Drum and Bugle Corps which will go through some military evolutions. Scene 1 1 1 The Drum and Bugle Corps will announce the arrival of Miss Philippines and her Court of Honor . . . Miss Philippines will be preceded by a group of pages carrying the crown and other presents, and another group of pages carrying her train . . . Scene IV The Drum and Bugle Corps announces that all is ready for the coronation of Miss Philippines. Scene V Ceremonies of the coronation of Miss  Philippines, placing of the crown by His Honor, The Mayor of Manila . . . Scene VI Gun salute to Miss Philippines by her Army. Entrance of Foreign Envoys-Royal offering, etc. Scene VII Military evolutions by the Army of Miss Philippines and the Drum and Bugle Corps. Beyond the ballroom, the Carnival’s sporting contests and the ROTC drill competitions proliferated in celebration of a physical, martial masculinity. Before a crowd of 40,000, for example, the Schools Parade featured girls in gowns riding on flower-covered floats while high school boys stepped past in â€Å"uniforms and snappy marching [that] thrilled the watching t h o ~ s a n d s . † ~ ~ By the 1938 Carnival, the military parade had been transformed from a procession of students in their toy-soldier uniforms into an awesome spectacle of military might. With thousands of spectators packed along the boulevards, armed columns of Philippine Army, Philippine Scouts, and college cadets tramped past the Legislative Building as tight formations of bombers and pursuit planes â€Å"roared overhead† (Tribune, 15, 16 February 1938). After its establishment in 1936, the Philippine Army deployed a similar dualism to build support for conscription among a people without a tradition of military service. As the date for draft registration approached, the Commonwealth plastered public spaces with recruiting posters. One depicted a statuesque Filipina, neckline cut low and bare arms outstretched for the embrace, calling on â€Å"Young Men† to â€Å"Heed Your Country’s Call!† Another asked, â€Å"Which Would You Rather Be . . . this or that?†-and then showed a snappy soldier smiling at two admiring women while a civilian male skulks in the rear, hands in pockets-a universal sipifier.I4 Then, at 8:30 A.M. on 15 May 1936, each provincial governor supervised an elaborate ritual to select the first conscripts for basic training. Before the public, the governor, flanked by military guards, placed the registration cards for all twenty-year old men in two large jars. â€Å"Two young ladies, not over eighteen years of age, shall . . . make the drawing,† read the Philippine Army regulations. â€Å"These young ladies shall be blind-folded and shall wear  dresses with short sleeves-not reaching beyond elbow† (Commonwealth, Bulletin No. 17; Meixsel 1993, 301). So strong was the appeal of military training that four of the country’s leading legislators, including presidential aspirant Manuel Roxas, volunteered for the first Reserve Officers’ Service School (ROSS) in mid-1936. In this commencement address to this class in September, President Quezon explained that officers were to serve as the nation’s models for patriotism and new, virile form of citizenry (The Bayonet 1936, 94, 98). The good officer. . . , wherever he is, . . . spreads the doctrine of loyalty, of respect for law and order, of patriotism, of self-discipline and education, and of national preparation to defend our country. . . . Our whole nation will become more firmly solidified, more virile, more unselfishly devoted to promotion of the general welfare, as our officer corps grows in quality and strength, and the results of its efforts permeate to the remotest hamlet of our country. Philippine Military Academy Forming such an officer corps was the most difficult part of this mobilization. As Quezon put it, â€Å"the heart of an army is its officers.† Along with buying rifles and building camps, the creation of this army required, as the president was well aware, the construction of officers as exemplars for a new image of the Filipino as warrior. To form such leaders, the Defense Act provided for the establishment of a Philippine Military Academy at Baguio for the education of career officers. This academy was, in the words of the Commonwealth’s vice-president, â€Å"the foundation stone of the entire military establishment,† providing â€Å"the leadership necessary to knit together a scattered and loosely connected citizen army into one whole, living, pulsating, homogenous machine that can fight with courage† (Scribe 50; Osmefia 7-8, 10). In establishing his new academy, Quezon, through his military advisers Douglas MacArthur and Dwight Eisenhower, chose the US Military Academy at West Point as its model. Transporting the West Point system, with all of its peculiarities, from the bluffs of the Hudson to the mountains of Baguio entailed cultural adaptation. From the perspective of the PMA staff, the new academy would socialize the cadets through its formal  curriculum and a four-year progression from neophyte to command. To succeed, however, these formal processes rested upon rituals and symbols that would make the academy’s abstractions meaningful to teen-aged Filipinos. Drawing upon the country’s culture of masculinity, cadets used rituals of male initiation and group solidarity to reinforce the PMA’s institutional imperatives. Through a fusion of the West Point curriculum, faithfully reproduced by the PMA’s staff, and informal innovations by these Filipino cadets, an American academy became a viable model for a Philippine institution (Love11 1955, 316-21; Wamsley 1972, 399-41 7). To ensure that its cadets would be archetypes of masculine beauty, the academy barred applicants with â€Å"any deformity which is repulsive† or any who suffered from â€Å"extreme ugliness.† Medical examiners had to insure, moreover, that an applicant’s face was free from any â€Å"lack of symmetrical development† or â€Å"unsightly deformities such as large birthmarks, large hairy moles, . . . mutilations due to injuries or surgical operation† (Commonwealth of the Philippines 1937). To mould these exemplary males, the PMA became a total institution that would, like West Point, leave a lasting imprint upon every  graduate (Janowitz 138; Goffman 1961). The PMA’s 1938 yearbook thus described the Tactical Department and its drill instructors as â€Å"a veritable forging shop in which the raw and crude materials are . . . purified of their undesirable qualities.† In their song P.M.A. Forever, cadets celebrated their academy’s capacity to make men (Sword 1938, 46-48, 104). Within the walls of old and glorious P.M.A. They’re molded to the real men that they should beMen who can face the bitter realities of life With courage even in the midst of bloody strife. As centerpiece in the nation’s gender reconstruction, the PMA indoctrinated its Filipino cadets into a Euro-American ideal of military manhood. With its alien curriculum, the PMA, more than any Philippine institution of its era, aspired to a cultural transformation, a remalung of its cadets on a European model of mascuhity. The academy made its imprint through a program of moral formation through body movement, incessant supervision, and formal in doctrination. In its own words, the PMA taught â€Å"soldierly movements to inculcate prompt obedience† in  daily marching; â€Å"knowledge of ballroom ethics† with weekly waltz lessons; and â€Å"self-reliance, poise, initiative, judgment, enthusiasm, and discipline† in gymnastics (Commonwealth 1938,1619). Filipino cadets reshaped imported values through their own culture of masculinity, malung hazing the PMA’s central rite of passage-from civilian to soldier, from plebe to cadet. Entering plebes arrived at the academy from communities with their own rituals of male initiation and expectations for manhood (Rosaldo 1980, 35-37). In many lowland villages of the 1930s, adolescent males passed through an initiation, such as circumcision, and had elaborate codes for masculine friendship epitomized in peer groups called barkada. In the villages of Central Luzon, for example, Tagalog males who joined tenancy unions during this decade were tested in an elaborate midnight ritual that branded each on the upper arm with a poker plucked white-hot from a raging bonfire (Fegan 1995; See also Blanc-Szanton 1990, 350). Growing up in such poor communities, many future members of PMA’s Class of 1940, the first products of this new school, were familiar with these masculine rites of testing and bonding. One classmate, Francisco del Castillo, recalled in his autobiography for the class’s 50th reunion Golden Book, that he often missed class in high school to join â€Å"youth who did nothing but form gangs to fight other gangs for su-premacy in the municipality of Vigan.† In a later interview, he added that his reputation as â€Å"a local champion† in ritualized knife fights, attacking with the right hand and defending with a towel wrapped tightly about the left, made him the â€Å"leader† of the town’s west-side gang. Asked if his gang practiced any sort of initiation, del Castillo replied that â€Å"you let him do a certain errand and see how brave he is† (Mendoza 1986, 178; del Castillo 1995). For PMA cadets, hazing and the broader experience of plebe initiation served as a transformative trauma–coloring the subsequent academy experience for individuals and uniting a new class through shared suffering. During their first months, plebes were subjected to an unbroken regimen of running, recitations, and drill under nameless, powerful upperclassmen. Arriving during summer recess when the main activity was their initiation,  incoming plebes faced the harsh, unwavering attentions of the second-year cadets, or â€Å"yearlings†-still aching from their own humiliations that had ended only weeks before. After the initial â€Å"beast barracks,† the hazing subsided into a constant, low-level harassment that continued for another eight months until the upperclass â€Å"recognized† them as full members of the Corps. Surviving this abuse left cadets with a strong sense of personal pride and class identity. Writing in the Golden Book, Class ’40’s Cesar Montemayor recalled their plebe year as â€Å"a one-year initiation period full of rites, rules and requirements† that instilled â€Å"desirable manly and military qualities† (Batch 36 Golden Book, 110-11). In showing how the Commonwealth constructed a new masculinity at the PMA, we cannot ignore the impact that this mobilization and its prop aganda had upon â€Å"the whole order† of gender roles in an emerging nation (Morgan 1994, 169-70). Despite its isolation in the mountains of Baguio, the PMA’s training of these young males had lasting implications for the whole of Philippine society. The school served, in effect, as a social laboratory, a crucible for casting a new form of Filipino masculinity. Through hazing, study, and drill, the academy pounded young males into a foreign mold of military manhood. By parading before the masses in Manila and acting in Tagalog films, these prewar PMA cadets projected this image of masculinity into an emerging national consciousness. Only a year after the PMA opened, a Manila film crew shot a two-reel documentary, titled The West Point of the Philippines, which, the cadet yearbook reported, was â€Å"now being featured at the Ideal Theatre† and was â€Å"taking Manila by storm.†

Experiment to Investigate Osmosis in Potatoes Essay

The aim of this experiment is to investigate the movement of water in and out of plant cells. The cells chosen for study will be taken from potato tubers. Firstly I will explain what osmosis is. Osmosis is the passage of water from a region of high water concentration through a semi permeable membrane to a region of low water concentration. This definition contains three important statements: a) It is the passage of water through a semi permeable membrane b) It is the passage of water from a region of high water concentration c) It is the passage of water to a region of low water concentration. All the above statements are included in the definition, but define certain aspects of it. Semi-permeable membranes are very thin layers of material which allow some things to pass through, but prevent others. A cell membrane is semi permeable. They allow small molecules like oxygen, water, amino acids etc. to pass through but will not allow larger molecules like sucrose, starch, protein etc. through. A region of high concentration of water is either a very dilute solution of something like sucrose or pure water. In each case there is a lot of water: a high concentration of water. A region of low water concentration is the opposite of the above, i.e. a very high concentration of sucrose solution: a low water concentration. The water content of plants varies depending on environmental conditions. In Land plants this water plays a vital role in the support of tissues and the transport of materials around the organism. Lack of water leads to wilting and eventually death. Water is mainly absorbed through the roots, which are covered in specially adapted root hair cells, with large surface areas and thin cell walls to aid absorption. It is drawn up the plant through xylem vessels by a pull resulting from the evaporation of water through the  stomata on the leaves. This evaporation is called transpiration and the xylem flow resulting is called the transpiration stream. Soluble food substances formed during photosynthesis are transported around the plant in the phloem tubes. This movement of water through the plant in the xylem vessels or phloem tubes is similar to the flow of blood in humans as it transports soluble mineral salts, nutrients and auxins, (plant hormones), from place to place. The evaporation of water from the leaves also removes heat energy from the plant and helps to prevent overheating. Transpiration pulls water up the plant stem but osmosis is the process whereby water is drawn into or out of cells and tissues. Osmosis is the flow of water by diffusion through a differentially permeable membrane from areas of high water concentration to regions of low water concentration. The diagram below illustrates this: Water can freely penetrate all membrane. The cellulose cell wall does not act as a semi permeable membrane and will allow most substances that are dissolved in water to freely pass through it. Whether water enters the cell by osmosis or not will depend on the balance between external and internal solute concentrations and the state of the cell. If the solutions on each side of the differentially permeable membrane are equally concentrated then there will be no net movement of water across the membrane. This is called an equilibrium state and the solutions are referred to as being isotonic. A solution that contains more solute particles than another, and is hence more concentrated, is referred to as being hypertonic. The less concentrated solution is hypotonic. This concentration of solute particles is usually described as a molarity. Even if the solute concentration external to the cell is hypotonic to the vacuole contents the cell will not continue to take in water by osmosis for ever. The cellulose cell wall provides a rigid barrier to uncontrolled expansion. A cell that is full of water is called turgid and cannot expand further as the outward pressure on the cell wall is balanced by the inward force of the stretched wall. This wall pressure is called turgor pressure  and the internal outward force on the wall is called osmotic pressure. At the other extreme, a cell placed in a solution that is hypertonic to its contents will lose water by osmosis. The cytoplasm will cease to exert a pressure on the cellulose cell wall and the cell, described as flaccid, will lack support. Water loss can continue to such an extent that the cytoplasm, and attached cell membrane, contracts and detaches from the cell wall. A cell in this condition is said to have undergone plasmolysis. This very rarely, if ever happens in nature. As osmosis is the diffusion of water molecules and as diffusion is the random movement of particles from areas of high concentration to low concentration it might be expected that any factors that speed up or slow down the movement of these particles would affect the rate of osmosis. Using knowledge of the process of osmosis and with a good understanding of molarity I should be able to determine the solute concentration of the vacuoles in potato tuber cells. As it would be impossible to measure with any degree of accuracy the expansion or contraction of cells on an individual basis I have decided to look at gain or loss of water in terms of increase or decrease in mass. Mass, I feel, will be a more accurate way of recording the change of the potatoes as when measuring length, it does not take into account the change in diameter of the chip. I will also look at the increase or decrease in length to verify the accuracy of my results and compare the two readings. A cell placed in an isotonic solution should show no change whereas one placed in a hypertonic solution will lose mass. For this experiment, I will have to choose a factor to vary. These factors are: Æ’Ã ¡ Molarity of the sucrose solution Æ’Ã ¡ Surface area of the potato Æ’Ã ¡ Type of potato used Æ’Ã ¡ Age of the potato Æ’Ã ¡ pH of the sucrose solution Æ’Ã ¡ Temperature The factor I have chosen to vary is the molarity of sugar solution as I believe this will be easy to regulate as the concentration can be easily altered using distilled water. I will use 1 molar solution and alter the concentrations as shown below: Molarity of sugar solutionAmount of waterAmount of sucrose solution 0.050 0.241 0.432 0.623 0.814 1.005 For this experiment I will need: Æ’Ã ¡ 1 large potato to produce 18 potato tubers Æ’Ã ¡ cork borer Æ’Ã ¡ distilled water Æ’Ã ¡ 1 molar sugar solution Æ’Ã ¡ pipettes Æ’Ã ¡ 18 test tubes Æ’Ã ¡ ruler to measure length of potato tubers Æ’Ã ¡ electric balance to measure the mass I have selected the above equipment because I feel it will help me to ensure accurate results. To ensure a fair test I will take all my potato samples from the same potato using the same cork borer and keep all of my apparatus the same. I will try and treat each potato tube the same. I will measure each potato tube separately to ensure accurate measurements and carry out the procedure 3 times for each molarity tested. This will mean that I will need to measure 18 potato tubers. Three results will enable me to take an average result, making the results, hopefully, more precise and reliable. If one of the results seems very different to the others, I shall identify it as an anomalous result and retake the reading. When I carry out this experiment, I will get a potato and take some tubes from it using a cork borer I will then cut these tubes into shorter lengths and measure the length and mass of each of the 18 lengths. All the lengths will be cut to 25mm. The solutions will be altered according to the molarity required and cm3 of each solution placed in each test tube. Each molarity will occupy three test tubes. The chips will then be put into each test tube and left over night. They will then be taken out of their test tubes, dried lightly with a paper towel and the new mass and lengths recorded. Once the results have been collected, they will be tabulated and analysed. A graph will be drawn and any trends noticed explained. Prior to the experiment we carried out a short pilot test, using potato chips and solutions of strength 0.0, 1.0 and 2.0 molar solutions. The chips were  25mm in length each, and each chip was placed in 5 cm3 of either distilled water/1.0 molar / 2.0 molar sugar solutions and left for 30 minutes. The potato chips were then measured and the results recorded. They are shown below: ChipSolution 1Water 21.0 molar 32.0 molar Chip numberOriginal lengthResultant length 125mm29mm 225mm24mm 325mm20mm These results show that a potato chip placed in water will gain in length, a weak sugar solution will lose length and a strong sugar solution will lose length also. The results from this test will allow me to choose an appropriate range of moralities in order to find out what the concentration is inside the cell vacuole. I am going to investigate 0.0, 0.2, 0.4, 0.6, 0.8 and 1.0 molar sugar solutions. I have chosen these concentrations to try and accurately find when there is no net movement of water, hence the concentration of the cell vacuole. From previous work done on osmosis, I predict that molarity and average change in mass/ length will be indirectly proportional. I think there will be a negative correlation between the two. I think that there will be both loss and gain in mass discovered. I think the graph will look like this but there will be no plasmolysed on my graph, as I do no expect my measurements  to go that far. I hope to be able to identify the point when there is no net movement of water. Analysis of Results The Consequences of Osmosis in plant cells: Plant cells always have a strong cell wall surrounding them. When the take up water by osmosis they start to swell, but the cell wall prevents them from bursting. Plant cells become â€Å"turgid† when they are put in dilute solutions. Turgid means swollen and hard. The pressure inside the cell rises, eventually the internal pressure of the cell is so high that no more water can enter the cell. This liquid or hydrostatic pressure works against osmosis. Turgidity is very important to plants because this is what makes the green parts of the plant â€Å"stand up† into the sunlight. When plant cells are placed in concentrated sugar solutions they lose water by osmosis and they become â€Å"flaccid†; this is the exact opposite of â€Å"turgid†. If you put plant cells into concentrated sugar solutions and look at them under a microscope you would see that the contents of the cells have shrunk and pulled away from the cell wall: they are said to be plasmolysed. When plant cells are placed in a solution which has exactly the same osmotic strength as the cells they are in a state between turgidity and flaccidity. We call this incipient plasmolysis. â€Å"Incipient† means â€Å"about to be†. When I forget to water the potted plants in my study you will see their leaves droop. Although their cells are not plasmolysed, they are not turgid and so they do not hold the leaves up into the sunlight. Graph [1] shows the average percentage change in length of the potato tubers. It shows that as molarity increases the average change in length decreases. The graph drawn looks accurate as the curve did not have to be one of best fit, but went through all of the points plotted showing that all the readings were accurate. The potato tubers gained/ loss length, the molarity increases the sugar solution becomes more concentrated, and more  concentrated than inside the cell. At 0.2M solution there is no net movement of water. As the strength of the concentration increases the cells shrink and become flaccid. Graph [2] shows the average percentage change in mass of the potato tubers. It shows that as molarity increases the average change in length decreases. This graph is very similar to the graph showing the length loss or gain, but appears less accurate as there is an anomalous result. This is at 0.4 molar, it lies off the best-fit curve drawn by 9.2%. The curve is one of best fit and follows the same trends as graph [1]. My results seem fairly accurate and although the graph showing length seems to be more accurate as it is a curve that goes through all of the points, it only shows the change in length, and not in mass. The graph showing mass change [2] gives a more accurate view of what happened as it takes into account the expansion of the potato both ways and has a broader percentage change range. This means that instead of just spanning 30% in total (as does graph [1]) it spans 80% (as does graph [2]). This gives a broader field of results and is therefore more accurate, as the mass is a more accurate result than length as the potato chip will get wider as well as longer. My results do seem to be reliable, as the graphs drawn support my prediction and seem accurate as they all lie on a smooth curve. Conclusion: From the results obtained, I can conclude that the average gain or loss in mass of the potato chip is indirectly proportional to molarity. I can also say that average gain or loss in length of the potato chip is indirectly proportional to molarity. Both of the results show a negative correlation. I can now say that the more concentrated the solution, the more mass/length is lost. This is because the water inside the cell moves out, causing the cell to shrink. When the cells are in a less concentrated solution they gain in length and mass as water is taken into the cell and the cell swells. The results gave enough information to support my original prediction. Both of the graphs cut the x-axis at 0.2, showing that the molarity of the internal  solute of a cell is 0.2m. This also shows that my results were very alike and reliable. Evaluation: My results seem to be very accurate. I can tell this because when the points were plotted they all lay on the curve, apart from one anomalous result, 0.4Mon the graph showing mass. There was however only one anomalous result and the others were all very reliable. This may have been because the results had an average taken so it may not have been accurate. I could increase the accuracy by taking more repetitions which should make the average more accurate. As the potatoes were left over night, the temperature changed which may have affected the results, but it should not have made a drastic difference to the graphs as all of the potatoes were subjected to exactly the same temperature changes. This could be improved by placing the test tubes into a water bath so they were kept at a constant temperature. The same potato was used in each of the experiments, which may also have contributed to the reliability of my results. The mass was more accurate to measure for many different reasons. Length does not take into account the change in diameter of the chips, and you can not measure fractions of millimetres on a ruler, but the electric balance will record change from 2 decimal places, e.g. mass: 1?43 â€Å"† 1?34length: 25 â€Å"† 23 whilst length can only be measured to the nearest millimetre. For the mass, we had to be careful that all the potato chips were dried in the same way as this may have altered the reading. This may have been what caused the anomalous results, as it was lighter that the best fit line i.e. some water may have been lost through harder drying, or squeezing during the drying process. If some of the water evaporated overnight, it would have incresed the molarity of the solutions, thus making the results innaccurate. This could be combatted by putting a bung in the top of the test tubes to stop the evaporation and keeping the sugar slution concentrations the same. To improve the accuracy of the results I would include more concentrations to  find the point of plasmolysis as in my experiment, I did not get to the point of plasmolysis in my experiment, so if I was to extend this experiment, I would investigte a wider rage of concentrations to investigate furthur and increase accuracy. I would also increase the repetitions to 5 per molarity and increase the molarity to try and find the point of plasmolysis. I could also decrease the range between each molarity (every 0.05 for example) to try and find the exact concentration of the potato cells where there is not net gain. This investigation was succesful but could still be made more accurate by some of the above ways.